In this frenzy, investors have thrown millions of dollars at almost any venture with a “sharing” label, from basketballs and refrigerators to luxury handbags and phone chargers. Not all the ideas fare well. The Shared Girlfriend sex-doll service, for example, was shut down in September in response to a public outcry. The police also forced a Beijing company to stop renting out “napping capsules,” condemning them as fire hazards. Other ideas, on closer inspection, hardly look innovative. The “shared bookstore” is really just a lending library. And the “shared washing-machine service” — isn’t that a laundromat?
China’s sharing economy has veered sharply away from how the term was originally defined: as a peer-to-peer exchange of underutilized goods and services. In China, “sharing” now means almost any short-term rental of a product or service activated by a smartphone. Moreover, the things on offer, like Ofo’s 6.5 million bikes, are not spread out among individuals but are owned by the tech companies themselves. The same is true for the spoils, from revenue to data. As a result, the ideals that still animate the concept in many other places — the reallocation of unused resources and the community that forms around it — are essentially absent in China. “I was thrilled when I first heard China was so committed to the sharing economy,” says April Rinne, an adviser who is a member of China’s National Sharing Economy Commission. “But it’s all so transactional, and the definition of sharing has gotten so broad that it’s almost meaningless. As China defines it, even Amazon would be part of the sharing economy.”
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Who can blame China for hanging on to the term “sharing economy”? It fits with the image that Beijing wants to project: warm, generous, egalitarian. Robin Li, the chief executive of the internet giant Baidu, said last year that “the idea of a sharing economy is quite similar to that of a communist society,” because both focus on “distribution according to need.” A strategic planner at the advertising firm Havas Worldwide waxed so rhapsodic in a commentary about “the close-knit comradeship” of Chinese consumers that it seemed the idea of sharing was itself a Chinese invention. “There is almost a sense of nobility garnered by having the means to own something yet deciding to share instead,” the author wrote. The prize for puffery, however, goes to The People’s Daily, the Communist Party mouthpiece, which in August celebrated umbrella-sharing enterprises as “a show of human care, releasing the warmth of the city.” A few weeks after that, nearly all 300,000 umbrellas distributed by a new company called Sharing E Umbrella had been either lost or stolen.
Illustration by Andrew Rae
The self-congratulation masks a growing awareness that, for all its economic success, China has become a hard-edged society where the spirit of sharing and social trust is in short supply. The bike-sharing battles expose these cracks, too. Some start-ups struggle with theft and vandalism; one company, Wukong, reportedly lost 90 percent of its bikes in just six months. Meanwhile, Ofo and Mobike have turned this battle into a proxy war between their tech masters. As dozens of smaller companies try to find niche markets, the two giants have deluged major cities with nearly 15 million yellow (Ofo) and orange-and-silver (Mobike) bicycles. Until recently, city governments tolerated the use of public spaces by bike-sharing companies, a concession the companies will not continue to enjoy as they venture overseas. But in Shanghai, where battalions of bikes clog the sidewalks, the city is starting to crack down, hauling thousands away at a time.
None of China’s bike-sharing companies are turning a profit yet. But even as they fight for market share, the data is the destination. “Collecting data is the first goal of the sharing economy,” says William Chou, the head of Deloitte’s telecoms, media and technology practice in China. Every time consumers scan the QR code on a bicycle — or basketball, handbag, umbrella — they provide information about habits, locations, behaviors and payment histories. That’s invaluable not just to Tencent and Alibaba but also to city planners seeking precise information about where to build roads, bridges and subways. “The fight is no longer over who has the biggest fleet,” Towson says, “but who has the smartest fleet.”
Those are the benign side-effects of the sharing economy. But what happens as this data filters into China’s new social-credit system, which promises to rate every individual by her financial, social and political worth? In fact, Beijing has authorized Tencent and Alibaba to conduct social-credit pilot testing, and their bikes serve as the perfect vehicles. There are no walls of privacy. The government has the ability to access company data, good or bad, faster than you can scan a QR code.
One morning recently in Shanghai, I caught a glimpse of some suspicious behavior. I was walking down a tranquil, tree-lined street when a muscular man lumbered past carrying two orange-and-silver Mobikes. As he swept by, a wheel touched the ground and set off an alarm, causing him to heave the bikes even higher in the air. The man was not a bike enthusiast, but he wasn’t a thief, either. As I watched him slip down a side alley and emerge moments later empty-handed, I realized that he was a foot soldier in the bike-sharing wars, dumping competitors’ bikes in hard-to-find places. Rounding the corner, I saw the result of his handiwork: a sea of bikes in almost every hue. Yet not a single orange-and-silver Mobike was in sight.
Brook Larmer is a contributing writer for the magazine.
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A version of this article appears in print on November 26, 2017, on Page MM14 of the
Sunday Magazine with the headline: China has fully embraced the ‘sharing economy’ — but in ways that show just how cynical the concept can become.
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Source : https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/20/magazine/chinas-revealing-spin-on-the-sharing-economy.html